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The comment by Joseph Stiglitz in the Financial Times lambasting the Fed’s expected move to quantitative easing is certain to have no impact on the central bank’s course of action. His article nevertheless is proof that this idea is not as well received as the officialdom would like you to believe.
It isn’t merely Stiglitz’s stature that makes his critique noteworthy; it’s that he is of the left leaning persuasion, and thus believes in government intervention to promote broad social goals, like reducing unemployment, which is something we seem to have in abundance these days.
Note that Stiglitz doesn’t see QE as merely unproductive; he contends it might well be detrimental:
In certain circles, it has become fashionable to argue that monetary policy is a superior instrument to fiscal policy…Whatever the merits of this position in general, it is nonsense in current economic circumstances….
….the impact on the real economy of changes in the interest rate remains highly uncertain. The fundamental reason should be obvious: what matters for most companies (or consumers) is not the nominal interest rate but the availability of funds and the terms that borrowers have to pay. Those variables are not determined by the central bank. The US Federal Reserve may make funds available to banks at close to zero interest rates, but if the banks make those funds available to small and medium-sized enterprises at all, it is at a much higher rate.
Indeed, in the last US recession, the Fed’s lowering interest rates did stimulate the economy, but in a way that was disastrous in the long term. Companies did not respond to low rates by increasing investment. Monetary policy (accompanied by inadequate regulation) stimulated the economy largely by inflating a housing bubble, which fuelled a consumption boom.
It should be obvious that monetary policy has not worked to get the economy out of its current doldrums. The best that can be said is that it prevented matters from getting worse. So monetary authorities have turned to quantitative easing. Even most advocates of monetary policy agree the impact of this is uncertain. What they seldom note, though, are the potential long-term costs. The Fed has bought more than a trillion dollars of mortgages and long-term bonds, the value of which will fall when the economy recovers – precisely the reason why no one in the private sector is interested. The government may pretend that it has not experienced a capital loss because, unlike banks, it does not have to use mark-to-market accounting. But no one should be fooled….
A final argument invoked by critics of fiscal policy is that it is unfair to future generations. But monetary policy can have intergenerational effects every bit as bad. There are many countries where loose monetary policy has stimulated the economy through debt-financed consumption. This is, of course, how monetary policy “worked” in the past decade in the US. By contrast, fiscal policy can be targeted on investments in education, technology and infrastructure. Even if government debt is increased, the assets on the other side of the balance sheet are increased commensurately. Indeed, the historical record makes clear that returns on these investments far, far exceed the government’s cost of capital. When, as now, there is excess capacity in the private sector, such public investments increase output and tax revenues in both the short term and the long. If markets were rational, such investments would even lead a country’s cost of borrowing to fall.
Yves here. One seldom mentioned issue in analyzing government spending is that no private business keeps books like the government does. Government budgets are cash flow based. Proper accounting would differentiate real investments (balance sheet items) versus expenses (income statement items). For instance, a jet fighter lasts more than a year; it should be put on the balance sheet and depreciated like any other capital asset. That presentation would highlight the difference between current period expenditures and investment, and would hopefully encourage greater emphasis on investments.
John Hussman argued the same point in his newsletter, that QE would be ineffective:
A second round of QE presumably has two operating targets. One is to directly lower long-term interest rates, possibly driving real interest rates to negative levels in hopes of stimulating loan demand and discouraging saving. The other is to directly increase the supply of lendable reserves in the banking system. The hope is that these changes will advance the ultimate objective of increasing U.S. output and employment.
Economics is essentially the study of how scarce resources are allocated. To that end, one of the main analytical tools used by economists is “constrained optimization” – we study how consumers maximize their welfare subject to budget constraints, how investors maximize their expected returns subject to a various levels of risk, how companies minimize their costs at various levels of output, and so forth. To assess whether QE is likely to achieve its intended objectives, it would be helpful for the Fed’s governors to remember the first rule of constrained optimization – relaxing a constraint only improves an outcome if the constraint is binding. In other words, removing a barrier allows you to move forward only if that particular barrier is the one that is holding you back.
On the demand side, it is apparent that the U.S. is presently in something of a liquidity trap. Interest rates are already low enough that variations in their level are not the primary drivers of loan demand. Loans are desirable when businesses see opportunities to make profitable investments that will allow the repayment of the loan, without too much uncertainty. Similarly, loans are desirable when consumers see opportunities to shift part of their lifetime consumption stream toward the present (or to acquire durable items such as autos or homes which provide an ongoing stream of benefits), and where they also believe that their future income will be sufficient to service the debt.
Broadly speaking, neither businesses nor consumers are finding attractive borrowing opportunities, or have sufficient confidence that they will be able to repay the loans and end up better off. A few years ago, individuals did have the confidence to shift a portion of their lifetime consumption to the present because the values of their homes and other financial assets gave them the impression that their future consumption needs were well covered. Lax lending standards created a feedback loop of soaring mortgage debt, consumer debt, home values, and consumption. At the corporate level, the return on equity capital was progressively boosted by taking on increasing leverage, which eventually reached catastrophic levels in the financial sector. The subsequent collapse forced the recognition among consumers and businesses that their ability to service debt, based on expectations about the future value of their assets, was not as strong as they previously believed.
Instead, businesses and consumers now see their debt burdens as too high in relation to their prospective income. The result is a continuing effort to deleverage, in order to improve their long-term financial stability. This is rational behavior. Does the Fed actually believe that the act of reducing interest rates from already low levels, or driving real interest rates to negative levels, will provoke consumers and businesses from acting in their best interests to improve their balance sheets?
On the supply side, the objective of quantitative easing is to increase the amount of lendable reserves in the banking system. Again, however, this is not a constraint that is binding. The liquidity to make new loans is already present. U.S. commercial banks already hold $1.066 trillion of reserves with the Fed, and another $1.626 trillion in Treasury and agency securities.
Randy Wray provides a sophisticated objection to QE, that the Fed can’t use it to do the one thing that might actually be useful (see his post for a long-form discussion), buy bad assets to clean up the banks (it would have to buy so much as to be politically controversial, and of course, there is the wee problem that big scale intervention would make it hard to resist big scale changes in the banks themselves, a third rail issue). So it does things that aren’t much good at all:
So the Fed is left with the only option available to a central bank that has already pushed short-term interest rates to zero: buy longer maturity treasury bonds in order to push longer rates toward zero. It certainly can do this. It could, for example, buy all 10 year Treasuries, bidding up their prices until their yields fall to zero. Historically, 30 year fixed rate mortgages have tracked 10 year bonds fairly closely, so such an action could conceivably lower mortgage rates. But they are already below 4%, so it is not clear what could be gained. Dropping rates still further is not likely to bring forth any buyers except hedge funds that have been buying foreclosed homes. The “foreclosuregate” scandal has at least temporarily killed that demand.
Other potential buyers are waiting for house prices to fall further, or for a real economic recovery to begin — one with job creation and rising wages. In short, the problem in real estate markets is not that mortgage rates are too high, but rather that prospects for real estate and job markets are too poor. The Fed is in a Catch 22: Interest rate policy will not spur borrowing until economic recovery is underway, but recovery will not begin until spending picks up. Only jobs and income will stimulate spending, but the Fed cannot do anything in those areas.
And interestingly, Hussman, a savvy investor, is on the same page as Stiglitz as far as fiscal measures are concerned:
A second round of QE presumably has two operating targets. One is to directly lower long-term interest rates, possibly driving real interest rates to negative levels in hopes of stimulating loan demand and discouraging saving. The other is to directly increase the supply of lendable reserves in the banking system. The hope is that these changes will advance the ultimate objective of increasing U.S. output and employment.
Economics is essentially the study of how scarce resources are allocated. To that end, one of the main analytical tools used by economists is “constrained optimization” – we study how consumers maximize their welfare subject to budget constraints, how investors maximize their expected returns subject to a various levels of risk, how companies minimize their costs at various levels of output, and so forth. To assess whether QE is likely to achieve its intended objectives, it would be helpful for the Fed’s governors to remember the first rule of constrained optimization – relaxing a constraint only improves an outcome if the constraint is binding. In other words, removing a barrier allows you to move forward only if that particular barrier is the one that is holding you back.
On the demand side, it is apparent that the U.S. is presently in something of a liquidity trap. Interest rates are already low enough that variations in their level are not the primary drivers of loan demand. Loans are desirable when businesses see opportunities to make profitable investments that will allow the repayment of the loan, without too much uncertainty. Similarly, loans are desirable when consumers see opportunities to shift part of their lifetime consumption stream toward the present (or to acquire durable items such as autos or homes which provide an ongoing stream of benefits), and where they also believe that their future income will be sufficient to service the debt.
Broadly speaking, neither businesses nor consumers are finding attractive borrowing opportunities, or have sufficient confidence that they will be able to repay the loans and end up better off. A few years ago, individuals did have the confidence to shift a portion of their lifetime consumption to the present because the values of their homes and other financial assets gave them the impression that their future consumption needs were well covered. Lax lending standards created a feedback loop of soaring mortgage debt, consumer debt, home values, and consumption. At the corporate level, the return on equity capital was progressively boosted by taking on increasing leverage, which eventually reached catastrophic levels in the financial sector. The subsequent collapse forced the recognition among consumers and businesses that their ability to service debt, based on expectations about the future value of their assets, was not as strong as they previously believed.
Instead, businesses and consumers now see their debt burdens as too high in relation to their prospective income. The result is a continuing effort to deleverage, in order to improve their long-term financial stability. This is rational behavior. Does the Fed actually believe that the act of reducing interest rates from already low levels, or driving real interest rates to negative levels, will provoke consumers and businesses from acting in their best interests to improve their balance sheets?
On the supply side, the objective of quantitative easing is to increase the amount of lendable reserves in the banking system. Again, however, this is not a constraint that is binding. The liquidity to make new loans is already present. U.S. commercial banks already hold $1.066 trillion of reserves with the Fed, and another $1.626 trillion in Treasury and agency securities.
The distressing thing about the Fed is the fact that is has come to be dominated by monetary economists. That’s a comparatively recent development. Shortly after Bernanke was appointed, I had lunch with a former Fed economist who in his next job could have taken credit for having invented swaps but refused to. He remarked drily, “The record of academic economists as Fed chiefs is poor.” Sadly, his assessment looks better by the day.
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